INDIA’S TIPPING POINT: A BJP MASTERCLASS

Analyzing the current state of the Indian polity, I thought it was only right to examine, from the perspective of various securitization theories, an ongoing event that shall truly become the ‘turning point’ in the Indian political sphere for generations to follow. 

For decades, we have proudly claimed ourselves to be the world’s largest democracy, and while there have been multiple events in this state’s glorious past that stand out as not shining emeralds, but rather faded rocks. One noteworthy event was certainly the emergency declaration of 1975, which tarnished the legacy of Indira Gandhi and had most definitely left an impact on the overall trustworthiness of the Indian National Congress, as the party lost power for the first time since independence. However, is it possible that an act that can be considered as infringing upon the rights of a human being, an organized group or even the entire population of a nation to be championed rather than frowned upon. This is where I believe the securitization theory proposed by Ole Waever plays an indispensable role in not only helping one understand the motive and possible reaction of an event, but rather also assist in studying it. The Indian general elections of 2024 are due in less than a week, and less than a month before their inception, Arvind Kejriwal, CM of Delhi(The national Capital), finds himself and most senior leaders of his party, in prison, allegedly for a scam. On the other hand, BJP, the current ruling party in the Lok Sabha, known for their extremist right leaning agenda, after having made drastic changes in the country, look to solidify their third consecutive term. In what will certainly be remembered as a benchmark event in Indian politics, it is of paramount importance to understand whether this case has any basis to it, or are we on the turning point of the world’s greatest democracy slowly transitioning into an authoritarian regime.

Firstly, I shall provide some context to the case. The Delhi Liquor scam is a case which claims that a multi crore scam has taken place through the excise policy of 2021-2022, which privatized the sale of liquor in Delhi and ceased government involvement in the sale of alcohol. While arrests regarding this case have been taking place since 2022, it is a month before the 2024 general elections that we find the CM of the capital behind bars, with no particular date of his exoneration being specified. This aligns perfectly with the plans of the BJP to maintain if not further strengthen the stronghold they have over the Indian subcontinent. Firstly, we have to acknowledge that since this case is currently ongoing, we will face the problem of insufficient information i.e. we can’t say with certainty whether the scam has any truth to it or not. This will require us to devise two separate scenarios. In both, the threat object remains the same i.e. Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party. The referent object however, is either the population of India or the BJP. Accordingly, the purpose of attaining a state of security is to protect the citizens and their wealth from being scammed by the man they chose as their representative or to prevent that man from becoming their representative again, respectively.

In the first case, the citizens of India face an active threat from their own CM regarding their wealth and financial resources being at stake. The matter is considered to be of paramount importance and is being treated as one concerning ‘national security’. While this term is often used in contexts where it doesn’t belong, the purpose of such a phrase is uni-dimensional and straightforward. The success of a securitizing move is majorly dependent on the grammar of the act i.e. how one phrases the threat. That being said, the more alarming the threat sounds, the more the public gives it importance. However, the timing of this threat is incredibly convenient for the ruling party as it occurs just before the general elections. Furthermore, what national security links to at the other levels is not primarily individual security and international security, but dynamics and political processes of various kinds at these other levels. "Security," in other words, has to be read through the lens of national security. (Buzan, 1983).

In our second case, we take the referent object to be the current ruling party, BJP, and the threat to their utter dominance in the Indian political sphere, AAP. BJP’s chosen tool for attaining political fame in the Indian subcontinent has primarily been religion, with there being an aura of extremist right agendas, primarily regarding the Hindutva ideal. This has been largely received well by the conservative Indian public, especially in states where regional disturbances have always occurred. While their widespread success has been facilitated through means that alter the foundational ideology of the Indian subcontinent i.e. socialist and secular, regions such as Delhi and Punjab with relatively liberal ideals have always strayed away from their control. Moreover, despite their extremist agenda being received well, a move such as eliminating the opposition by imprisonment just days before the election marks a very transparent shift, especially for a ‘democratic’ state. Thus, the internal grammar of the securitizing move is of paramount importance in this particular incident, solely due to the fact that such an advancement, if not perceived morally meritorious could singlehandedly jeopardize the BJP stronghold. Ultimately, the BJP has also managed to paint it as a boolean situation i.e. an us vs them construct. This tendency or the concept of security to produce thinking in terms of us-them , which could then be captured by the logic of nationalism(Waever 1995).

Finally, I would also like to analyze our second case through the lens of biopower. As Foucault argued that we have moved from power of death to power of life simply due to the need for a justification for the former. Essentially, lets analyze the large-scale riots motivated by religious oppression. India has transformed from its secular roots to slowly transition into a Hindu state, and the biggest bearer of the brunt of this transformation, especially in states such as UP and Haryana, has been the Muslim community. These murders weren’t committed by the government itself, however, the extremist agenda does give rise to such happenings, which are indirectly caused by the government. This exercise of power of life, more specifically killing through indifference is what is most astonishing. If communal aggression is instigated and the community is left stranded, it is a perfect encapsulation of exhibiting power through life. A nation-state by its function is racist(Foucault 1990). Furthermore, as Foucault said, in order for the state to let you live, you must (be able/willing to) kill inferior beings(non-contributing members as deemed by the state).

It is important to note that these theories were conceived with the backdrop of the second world war in mind, in particular the Nazi ideology. Hence, their extremist nature tends to mitigate the harshness of today’s disturbances. However, perhaps the most harrowing discovery of my analysis has been the appropriateness of Foucault’s postulations in deciphering India’s current socio-political spectrum. The measures taken for the maintenance of ‘national security’, the designation of a sect as a ‘non-contributing member’ and the dynamic normalization of the Indian population, all truly act as instruments for the radical transformation by the Bharatiya Janata Party.

REFERENCES

• Jahn, et.al., European Security , pp. 51-53. Back. 

• Foucault, Michel. The history of sexuality: An introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage 95 (1990). (Selection: Part Five: Right of Death and Power over Life)

• Ole, Wæver. 1995. “Securitization and Desecuritization.” InOn Security, edited by Ronnie Lipschutz. New York: Columbia University Press.https://www.libraryofsocialscience.com/assets/pdf/Waever-Securitization.pdf

• Hansen, Lene. 2000. ‘The Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School’. Millennium 29 (2): 285–306.