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The Refugee Crisis: Through a Critical and Biopolitical lens.

Having slightly touched upon the securitization theory's critique of the traditional critical approach’s agenda of deepening and widening in my last blog in the context of the refugee crisis in Europe, the point of departure in this blog is understanding the securitization theory more comprehensively as initially proposed by Ole Weaver in the same context, subsequently looking at the feminist critique of the securitization theory and taking the discussion forward to governance of life and death by security apparatuses, through Foucault’s conception of Biopolitics. 


Securitization Theory and its critique 


Ole Weaver believes that only questions of what or who is threatened or needs to be secured are taken into consideration and never questions about whether a phenomenon needs to be treated in security terms. Therefore, his focus is towards understanding processes through which certain issues are securitized and looking at the possibilities of handling them in non-security terms  (Weaver 1995). This is because once something is made into a security problem, it is believed to threaten the sovereignty or independence of a state, as a result of which the state can claim a “special right, one that will always be defined by the state and its elites” and then such threats are met with mobilization of maximum effort  (Weaver 1995). As far as dealing with security critically is concerned, he pays attention to how certain issues become issues of security, for which Weaver deploys the use of language theory in identifying “security” as a speech act. What this does is that it allows for expansion of the concept of security, that is, allows engagement with questions such as “whether the concept of security should be expanded to cover other issues and whether entities other than the state should be able to make the claim to have its threats located under the security rubric” but makes the actual definition of security dependent on its successful construction in discourse (Lene 2000). However, while Hansen Lene recognizes these strengths of the Copenhagen School, she believes the criteria for who can become a securitizing actor is not specified, and neither is the question about what constitutes a successful case of securitization. Her main problem, which is also the concern of this blog with regard to refugees, is this: the Copenhagen school’s “reliance on speech act theory presupposes the existence of a situation in which speech is indeed possible” (Lene 2000). 





Lene identifies two blindspots in the Copenhagen School Framework, which she terms as ‘security as silence’ and ‘subsuming security’. Security as silence is a situation where the potential subject who needs protection has no or limited possibility of speaking about its security problem. Lene is specifically concerned with the absence of gender-based insecurity from these theories but refugees in general and women in specific within that group can be  seen as having limited possibilities of speaking about their security problems and in order for them to “become a referent object for security they need to find a way into international discourse” (Lene 2000) because the Copenhagen school framework cannot consider threats against them as long as they are “silent security problems.” One option to bring them into the international discourse can be international organisations speaking on their behalf or initiatives by these organisations, which give them a platform to voice their concerns. One example can be the Global Refugee Forum by the UNHCR held every four years, which involves the participation of member states, some refugees themselves, civil society groups, the private sector, and experts. However, as Lene comments, these organisations “rarely qualify as securitizing actors within the Copenhagen School framework” (Lene 2000).


Biopolitics 


One of the recurring points in both blogs has been how individual European states have dealt with the refugee crisis. One of the measures taken to control the inflow and processing of refugees has been the establishment of detention centres. These spaces become what Giorgio Agamben describes as a “state of exception” or, simply put, places that exist outside the normal operation of law, and life exists in the bare and inhumane form. However, as Mbembe believes, the state of exception is not limited to detention centres but has permeated all of society (Mbembe 2003). Underlying this is the concept of biopolitics, as formulated by Foucault, which can be seen as the strategic care of certain people and the strategic degradation of ‘others’. In fact, the state operates by creating indifference towards refugees along with the process of ‘othering’ that takes place, which creates cultures of inhospitality. The indifference keeps getting perpetuated because states are often ready to penalize those who help refugees and have strict surveillance measures used to prevent this from happening. The dehumanization of refugees is a crucial part of their treatment because bodies not seen to have any value by the state are allowed to die. Therefore, biopolitics works through capillary mechanisms throughout society, and this is how it legitimizes its security concerns in the most traditional sense. 




References 

  1. Singh, Gayatri. “The Complexities of the Refugee Crisis: A View through the Changing Discourse of Security Studies.” INT204IntSec, 17 Mar. 2024, intsec204.wixsite.com/home/post/the-complexities-of-the-refugee-crisis-a-view-through-the-changing-discourse-of-security-studies. Accessed 13 Apr. 2024.

  2. Foucault, Michel. The history of sexuality: An introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. New York: Vintage 95 (1990). (Selection: Part Five: Right of Death and Power over Life).

  3. Hansen, Lene. 2000. ‘The Little Mermaid’s Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School’. Millennium 29 (2): 285–306.

  4. Mbembe, Achille. 'Necropolitics.' Public culture 15, no. 1 (2003): 11-40.

  5. Ole, Wæver. 1995. “Securitization and Desecuritization.” InOn Security, edited by Ronnie Lipschutz. New York: Columbia University Press.https://www.libraryofsocialscience.com/assets/pdf/Waever-Securitization.pdf

  6. “The Global Compact on Refugees.” UNHCR, www.unhcr.org/about-unhcr/who-we-are/global-compact-refugees.

 
 
 

8 Comments


Anuraag Shankar
Anuraag Shankar
Apr 30, 2024

Considering how you have mentioned that the speech act of Waever is inadequate, and the detention act as per Mbembe is inhumane, how in your opinion must a state deal with refugees?

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Gayatri Singh
Gayatri Singh
Apr 30, 2024
Replying to

Hi Anuraag, I realize and understand that dealing with a large influx of refugees is a difficult task for the state and that they need to follow due process and run background checks etc. before granting individuals asylum and integrating them into the society. However, refugees don't have to be dealt with in the inhumane way that they are. Stories that come out of dentition centres from around the world show us that cases of physical violence, and/or sexual assaults are a common occurance. Things like red tapism make the waiting process painfully long which itself becomes a punishment for the refugees. I wrote in my last blog that all of this is fueled by racist and xenophoic sentiments. So,…


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Vanshika Khanna
Vanshika Khanna
Apr 28, 2024

Interesting blog! I was wondering how might initiatives like the Global Refugee Forum contribute to expanding the understanding of security threats beyond traditional state-centric approaches?

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Gayatri Singh
Gayatri Singh
Apr 29, 2024
Replying to

Hi Vanshika, thank you for your comment. The first thing I want to point out is that this particular initiative based on what I am aware of encourages and facilitates the participation of refugees in the discussions. So, it increases our understanding of security threats beyond traditional state-centric approaches because not only is it giving a platform to the refugees to voice how they are being threatened by the states (both the one they are fleeing to and from) which allows us to move away from only looking at how states are threatened by refugees but it is also a platform which is trying to create more sustainable solutions to this crisis by focusing on what the role of host…


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Ayush Upadhyay
Ayush Upadhyay
Apr 27, 2024

Great blog, Gayatri ! Refugees and illegal immigrants are often used as unregulated labour. Industries and businesses exploit them in this manner. Does the biopolitics of collecting biometrics and integrating them into the system seem better than the necro politics that would otherwise surround them? It does to me. Please tell me what you think about it! Also, do you think a better alternative might be available?

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Gayatri Singh
Gayatri Singh
Apr 29, 2024
Replying to

Hi Ayush, thank you for your comment and question. I had to think hard about this one and for the time being I have come to the conclusion that it is very difficult to categorise either of those as being "better" for the refugees. And this is where I am forced to think practically rather than solely in terms of theroy. Unregulated labour and exploitation works in very inhumane ways as well. In addition, I am little unsure about what you mean when you say "intergating them into the system." This is the answer I have right now. I'll definitely think more about this and get back to you on it.


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Priyansh Goyal
Priyansh Goyal
Apr 22, 2024

Comprehensive and fluid analysis of the Refugee crisis, Gayatri! In essence, refugees are normal humans who are migrating from one place on earth to another; but it became a 'problem' because of the rigidity and compliance of the Westphalian order. Under this order, the state is granted the autonomy to control and manage the internals of the border howsoever the leadership pleasures. That is why, i think, the de-humanisation of refugee happens because they are seen by the state as 'others' to their population and thus, special rules and living conditions. However, the recent CAA act in India can serve as an example of humanising (or rigorously speaking-legitimising) historic refugees who have been living, and who desires to live in…

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Gayatri Singh
Gayatri Singh
Apr 30, 2024
Replying to

Hi Priyansh, I see where you are coming from but I would use a different terminology here (one which is rooted more in theory and not practice like the process of de-humanising is). I think the state is creating a more hospitable environment for certain groups of refugees but I still wouldn't call it a case of de-securitization because the discourse around this case is still very much situated in the realm of high politics. In addition to that, because we need to look at such issues critically, we cannot leave the "communal bias" as you term it, out of the picture. The state is still very explicitly engaged in the process of 'othering' the individuals who do not belon…


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